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Dealing with Britain: the European Council of 29 April and its sequel 

Ten days ago, on 29 April, the European Council held a brief, but very important meeting. I do not normally comment in writing so soon after the event and I still intend to assess the April meeting more systematically in a Briefing Note which will cover the first four months of 2017 as a whole. The meeting of 29 April was however so important that it merits a more rapid appraisal than usual.

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25 March 2017: an anniversary worth celebrating

On 25 March 2017 the leaders of 27 EU member states and of the EU institutions, met in Rome to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome.  The atmosphere was good. There was levity as well as ceremonial. The Declaration too, which the leaders of both the institutions and the 27 member states signed, struck the right note and was significantly better than the Berlin Declaration of 25 March 2007 on which it was to a certain extent modelled. It was high sounding, but not excessively so, positive but not uncritical about the past, and optimistic but not starry eyed about the future.

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Between a rock and a hard place: Mrs May’s dilemma

This is a long essay. The argument is however simple. Following the 23 June vote, the new British government was confronted by a classic dilemma. Whichever option it took, the outcome was bound to be essentially the same, a hard Brexit of the kind which the markets did not like and key members of the May administration wanted to avoid. Unsurprisingly therefore the government- and much of the political class- tossed and turned in an increasingly desperate attempt to find an escape route which was less harsh and dangerous. By the beginning of the year however the game was up, and on 17 January the prime minister delivered a speech which more or less came to terms with reality.


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Reflections on Brexit: why Leave won and what its victory means

Previous commentaries asked the question what if? What would happen if British voters opted to leave the EU? And what if Remain won? The present paper is primarily concerned with reality, with what has happened rather than what might happen.

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And what if Remain wins?

At the time of writing, opinion polls are all over the place once again and with more than three weeks still to go, only a very rich man or a fool would bet on the victory of one side or the other. Let us assume for a moment however that the Remain campaign does indeed win. What will happen then? Will it be business as usual? Or has the referendum/renegotiation process added a fresh dimension to what has always been a tempestuous relationship? These are the questions which are addressed in this brief note.

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The EU dimension of the UK referendum process

The renegotiation and the referendum are first and foremost chapters in British political history. They are driven by British political imperatives and will depend for their outcome on British choices. They are also chapters in EU history however. It is therefore important to understand what has moved, is moving or might move the UK’s EU partners.

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David Cameron’s deal with the EU

David Cameron eventually got his deal with the rest of the EU on 19 February. This was hardly surprising. Even though the round table discussions and bilateral negotiations took 16 hours, they began with a presumption of success.

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 Britain and Europe: the outlook in January 2016

When assessing the UK’s chances of remaining within the EU, it is important to distinguish between the renegotiation and the referendum.

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The election of the next Commission President: a journey into the unknown

The latest Quarterly Commentary discusses the implications of the decision by the political groups to nominate ‘leadership candidates’ (Spitzenkandidaten) in the forthcoming European parliamentary elections. In the medium to long-term, this change could be profoundly destabilising, unless it is accompanied by a number of other measures. In 2014 itself, however, there are strong reasons for assuming that the next Commission president will not be a Spitzenkandidat and that Herman Van Rompuy’s role as formateur will be of considerable, if not decisive significance.

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